Doreen Hansmann, myself, and Catherine Theys recently published a partially null-result article on the neurophysiological correlates of trimodal speech in Frontiers in Human Neuroscience: Hearing: Speech and Language. The short form is that while we saw behavioural differences showing integration of audio, visual, and tactile speech in closed-choice experiments, we could not extend that result to show an influence of tactile speech on brain activity – the effect is just to small:

Figure 3. Accuracy data for syllable /pa/ for auditory-only (A), audio-visual (AV), audio-tactile (AT), and audio-visual-tactile (AVT) conditions at each SNR level (–8, –14, –20 dB). Error bars are based on Binomial confidence intervals (95%).

The abstract for this article is below:

Introduction: To perceive speech, our brains process information from different sensory modalities. Previous electroencephalography (EEG) research has established that audio-visual information provides an advantage compared to auditory-only information during early auditory processing. In addition, behavioral research showed that auditory speech perception is not only enhanced by visual information but also by tactile information, transmitted by puffs of air arriving at the skin and aligned with speech. The current EEG study aimed to investigate whether the behavioral benefits of bimodal audio-aerotactile and trimodal audio-visual-aerotactile speech presentation are reflected in cortical auditory event-related neurophysiological responses.

Methods: To examine the influence of multimodal information on speech perception, 20 listeners conducted a two-alternative forced-choice syllable identification task at three different signal-to-noise levels.

Results: Behavioral results showed increased syllable identification accuracy when auditory information was complemented with visual information, but did not show the same effect for the addition of tactile information. Similarly, EEG results showed an amplitude suppression for the auditory N1 and P2 event-related potentials for the audio-visual and audio-visual-aerotactile modalities compared to auditory and audio-aerotactile presentations of the syllable/pa/. No statistically significant difference was present between audio-aerotactile and auditory-only modalities.

Discussion: Current findings are consistent with past EEG research showing a visually induced amplitude suppression during early auditory processing. In addition, the significant neurophysiological effect of audio-visual but not audio-aerotactile presentation is in line with the large benefit of visual information but comparatively much smaller effect of aerotactile information on auditory speech perception previously identified in behavioral research.

Bryan Gick and I recently published an article on “Gait Change in Tongue Movement” in Scientific Reports (Nature Publishing Group). Below is the abstract, with images alongside. However, if you want an easy-to-follow walkthrough of the paper, I also published a YouTube video on the paper on my YouTube Channel for Maps of Speech.

During locomotion, humans switch gaits from walking to running, and horses from walking to trotting to cantering to galloping, as they increase their movement rate. It is unknown whether gait change leading to a wider movement rate range is limited to locomotive-type behaviours, or instead is a general property of any rate-varying motor system. The tongue during speech provides a motor system that can address this gap. In controlled speech experiments, using phrases containing complex tongue-movement sequences, we demonstrate distinct gaits in tongue movement at different speech rates. As speakers widen their tongue-front displacement range, they gain access to wider speech-rate ranges.

At the widest displacement ranges, speakers also produce categorically different patterns for their slowest and fastest speech. Speakers with the narrowest tongue-front displacement ranges show one stable speech-gait pattern, and speakers with widest ranges show two. Critical fluctuation analysis of tongue motion over the time-course of speech revealed these speakers used greater effort at the beginning of phrases—such end-state-comfort effects indicate speech planning.

Based on these findings, we expect that categorical motion solutions may emerge in any motor system, providing that system with access to wider movement-rate ranges.

Jia Ying, Jason A. Shaw, Christopher Carignan, Michael Proctor, myself, and Catherine T. Best just published Evidence for active control of tongue lateralization in Australian English /l/. Most research on /l/ articulation has looked at motion timing along the midline, or midsagittal plane. This study compares that information to motion on the sides of the tongue. It focuses on Australian English (AusE), using three-dimensional electromagnetic articulography (3D EMA).

The articulatory analyses show: 1) consistent with past work, the timing lag between mid-sagittal tongue tip and tongue body gestures differs for syllable onsets and codas, and for different vowels.

2) The lateral channel is formed by tilting the tongue to the left/right side of the oral cavity as opposed to curving the tongue within the coronal plane

3) the timing of lateral channel formation relative to the tongue body gesture is consistent across syllable positions and vowel contexts – even though temporal lag between tongue tip and tongue body gestures varies.

This last result suggests that lateral channel formation is actively controlled as opposed to resulting as a passive consequence of tongue stretching. These results are interpreted as evidence that the formation of the lateral channel is a primary articulatory goal of /l/ production in AusE.

Patrycja Strycharczuk, Jason Shaw, and I just published Locating de-lateralization in the pathway of sound changes affecting coda /l/, in which we analyze New Zealand English /l/ using Ultrasound and Articulometry. You can find the article here. Put in the simplest English terms, the article shows the process by which /l/-sounds in speech can change over time from a light /l/ (like the first /l/ in ‘lull’) to a darker /l/ (like the second /l/ in ‘lull’). This darkening is the result of the upper-back, or dorsum, of the tongue moving closer to the back of the throat. This motion in turn reduces lateralization, or the lowering of the sides of the tongue away from the upper teeth. This is followed, over time, by the tongue tip no longer connecting to the front of the hard palate – the /l/ becomes a back vowel or vocalizes.

If you want a more technical description, Here is the abstract:

‘Vocalization’ is a label commonly used to describe an ongoing change in progress affecting coda /l/ in multiple accents of English. The label is directly linked to the loss of consonantal constriction observed in this process, but it also implicitly signals a specific type of change affecting manner of articulation from consonant to vowel, which involves loss of tongue lateralization, the defining property of lateral sounds. In this study, we consider two potential diachronic pathways of change: an abrupt loss of lateralization which follows from the loss of apical constriction, versus slower gradual loss of lateralization that tracks the articulatory changes to the dorsal component of /l/. We present articulatory data from seven speakers of New Zealand English, acquired using a combination of midsagittal and lateral EMA, as well as midsagittal ultrasound. Different stages of sound change are reconstructed through synchronic variation between light, dark, and vocalized /l/, induced by systematic manipulation of the segmental and morphosyntactic environment, and complemented by comparison of different individual articulatory strategies. Our data show a systematic reduction in lateralization that is conditioned by increasing degrees of /l/-darkening and /l/-vocalization. This observation supports the idea of a gradual diachronic shift and the following pathway of change: /l/-darkening, driven by the dorsal gesture, precipitates some loss of lateralization, which is followed by loss of the apical gesture. This pathway indicates that loss of lateralization is an integral component in the changes in manner of articulation of /l/ from consonantal to vocalic.